![world in conflict game rise up world in conflict game rise up](http://mmoraw.com/cache/preview/b44bf20ea9ae42fc08b6f2f9871cd012.jpg)
This rejuvenated Western alliance must not only consider whether its military forces are on a trajectory for remaining a step ahead of the Russians and Chinese, it must also refresh the structures and frameworks through which it makes collective policy decisions on issues of diplomacy, defence and security. In a demonstration of strength and unity, the West has banded together to form a powerful front – but this can only hold firm so long as the alliance continues to work together on global-security issues and in defence of liberal democratic values. Putin’s assessment may well have been accurate, but his assumption that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine would not reverse this course was way off the mark. Since then, a previously united Western alliance has seemingly become fractured – more vulnerable to the individualistic pull of national politics, and much less interested in the concept of institutions that bind the West together, such as NATO and the EU. The way in which the US blindsided its allies with the Afghanistan withdrawal in 2021 contrasted starkly with the shrewd diplomacy that had helped to assemble the coalition that entered the country 20 years ago. Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine was no doubt buoyed by the perception of a divided and weaker West. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has highlighted how Western militaries are struggling to reframe their strategic objectives, operations (for instance, how they would actually fight in the future), and investments in technology, training and acquisition.
#WORLD IN CONFLICT GAME RISE UP FULL#
Instead, smarter spending should be underpinned by a forward-thinking strategy that looks critically at the different challenges posed by different actors, and which is willing to draw on the full range of hard- and soft-power levers at our disposal to protect and promote liberal values.
![world in conflict game rise up world in conflict game rise up](https://3.bp.blogspot.com/-JbRap4mLxR8/WGnYx0Mz07I/AAAAAAAABP8/u3OgZF3t8nEOwjvn3lJE97hR2Yn7Ah_JQCLcB/s1600/Kingdom-Wars-2-Undead-Cometh-game.gif)
It is clear that Western countries need a new plan, but it must be more than a kneejerk reaction that simply focuses on spending big on hard power in response to Putin’s invasion. These states are able to leverage their centralised capabilities to exploit cracks in Western democracies. 3 Ranging from cyber-attacks, disinformation and electoral interference to economic coercion and strategic investments, this activity, enabled by technologies, favours authoritarian states with a close nexus to their citizens and private sector. We need to address the shifting nature of conflict, particularly the rise of grey-zone activity: competitive interactions among and between non-state actors that fall below the threshold for war but disrupt the peace. How the money is deployed is also important. Between 20, the increase in Russian defence spending was 43 per cent higher than the equivalent for Western Europe combined. 1 In comparison, China’s has increased by 495 per cent and Russia’s by 183 per cent. French military spending has increased by 15 per cent since 2000, the UK’s defence spending by 20 per cent, Germany’s by 22 per cent and the US’s by 61 per cent. This is more than just a question of spending, but finance does matter. We need to rethink our collective approach to defence spending and capabilities, and consider enhanced cooperation – or else, risk the values we believe in eroding. China too has been investing heavily in defence, and while we can hope that Beijing is less antagonistic than Moscow, we should be fully prepared for all possible threats. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, for all its apparent difficulties on the ground, has shown that the West faces a more assertive Russia that is willing to use its military capability.